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Diagramming the Historical Construction

The Pakeha construct, when laid out in black and white, seems overwhelming large, but then the Fox Indian tribe in North America called masculinity "The Big Impossible". Archetypes are by their very nature large in scale, and no human embodiment fits them perfectly or exclusively. As well, it might be claimed that in New Zealand the mythic masculine is more obviously alive in rural settings than in the urban environment of Auckland, though some would claim that even in metropolis it continues to lurk underground. Here we need to name it in its fullness in order to decide what to deconstruct systematically, and what are the inherent positive qualities upon which alternatives can be built.

The Primal Wound

The Primal Wound of the early male colonizers took three forms:

  1. Uprooting - Being flung from familiarity into the unknown. Survival in the face of adversity demands affective dissociation, but it also produces great pools of unresolved grief and a culture characterized by numbness. When one is trying simply to survive, there is no room for emotional processing in one's hierarchy of needs.
  2. Cut-off - From relationship networks. "Cut-off" may be used in a systems theory sense, or as in AA's "isolating": a voluntary exile which solves little. Mateship becomes the Australasian substitute for relationship networks, a social phenomenon unique to this part of the world because so much of it was settled by single men. Mateship winds up masking the grief of relationship cut-offs.
  3. Territorial Conflict with tangata whenua. One solution to uprooting and cut off is to claim a new space of one's own, but there was already someone else in this space. Conflict leads to guardedness, aggression, and a siege mentality. We will return to all three of these primal wounds in other guises.

    Out of these three primal wounds grew the unique historical construct of Pakeha masculinity.

1. Mateship

The most important scholar of the history of New Zealand mateship is historian Jock Phillips. He writes (1996, 26-27):

"Colonial mateship was founded initially upon the needs of the work situation. From the earliest, Pakeha men formed themselves naturally into groups. Sailors arrived in groups; the whalers unable to capture whales alone organized themselves into parties-at first of five oars to a boat, increasingly of six or seven. These boats would then compete for the final capture. The goldminers were renowned for their "independence," their insistence on calling no man master, but from the first rushes, miners found it to their advantage to combine with one or two mates. It became easier to guard the claim and increased the chance of a lucky find. Subsequently, as the technology became more complex, the building of long aqueducts and tail-races made it even more likely that the miners would combine into parties. The solitary miner was always to be found on the fields but the pressures of work were likely to push him into partnership. In the sheep districts there were lonely jobs, especially boundary-watching, but much of the work depended on collective action-most notably shearing, mustering or droving. In the bush areas the felling of trees and the subsequent pit-sawing demanded a trusting teamwork. Those who lived a more itinerant life on the road found that safety often came with a mate.

"Even if men did not actually work together, frontier conditions often forced them into close comradeship. When living in temporary or make-shift housing, they found it easier to combine accommodation and cooking. Inevitably, isolated from the amusements of town, they were forced to find their relaxation in the companionship of men. Unmarried women were not usually found on the frontier; anyway, before marriage the relations between men and women were distinctly restricted. Most men in colonial New Zealand were unlikely to find much emotional support or friendship from relatives. Usually siblings and parents were left behind in Britain while the itinerant lifestyle and the extreme isolation of frontier New Zealand would have severed any remaining family ties. In this absence, colonial men were forced to look for solace, encouragement and mutual aid to other similarly isolated men.....

"[Mateship] was rarely a passionate and enduring friendship between two men that extended over a lifetime. The unstable and dangerous nature of frontier employment and the itinerant character of the men themselves meant that friendships between men were frequently disrupted. Instead, mateship was a relationship of circumstance. Living and working in the same locality, men would be drawn into comradeship, loyalty and dependence by the situation at that time. The relationship between two men might not last long, but while it did it would be continuous and, therefore, intense in its own way. Yet, mates were somehow interchangeable. When one moved on, another would fill the place." [16]

One couldn't go it alone on the sea, on the frontier, or in the bush. Too many jobs needed more than two hands. Men took mates easily, but mateship had to be limited because it was inherently dangerous (if one assumes that men can't trust their sexuality or emotions), and it was limited in three ways.

Limit #1 was the necessarily transient character of mateship. This is particularly descriptive of Barry Crump's A Good Keen Man.

2. Compulsory Heterosexuality

Limit #2 was compulsory heterosexuality. All feelings of intimacy had to be expressed as lust for women. This of course objectifies women, and makes them the vehicle for homosociality, the way men bond by trafficking in women (on homosociality, see Sedgwick, 1985; on the "traffic in women," see Rubin, 1975).

3. Homophobia

Homophobia is the third limitation on mateship. A mate could never be a lover,[17] and in fact was rarely a friend. Australian author Terry Colling writes (1992, 55), "All the bullshit about mates. I've got mates but no friends. I'd no more dream of showing them my real self than fly. We all know it's a facade, but go along with it. I'd love to have a real friend.". Felix Donnelly talks (1978, 92) of the "unproven belief that kicking a football...makes one a man. They think that tackling other chaps, or going into a ruck boots and all, immunises a male against the dreaded 'lurgy' of homosexuality."

All three of these limits upon mateship come as a package. They form a sort of Australasian Trinitarian Creed (Tacey, 1993, 250). They are also the source of the myth that New Zealand is a classless society, for in theory, mates are unconscious of class distinction. But as a package they are also misogynist, sexist, and repressive, making victims ultimately not only of women and gays, but also of heterosexual men (see Sargeson, 1964, 124ff and 157ff).

4. Anti-intellectualism And Inarticulateness

Compulsive heterosexuality and homophobia decree that certain things are termed "effeminate". Masculinity came thereby to require both anti-intellectualism (brawn, not brain, the emphasis on Kiwi ingenuity, and the continuing suspicion in New Zealand of a university education) and inarticulateness (a cultured way of speaking is effeminate, though a structured form of performance to impress other men, called "yarning", became quite common; see Belich, 1996, 431). The outcome of anti-intellectualism and inarticulateness has been a culturally-supported "autism".[18]

Education is deemed useless, and useless is feminine, therefore education is feminine (Jensen, 1996, 35). For many of the Men Alone, religion also was seen as effeminate and so to be shunned, in spite of the efforts of Muscular Christianity to draw them in (Belich, 1996, 438).

5. Sexual conquest

Sexual conquest is the proof of compulsory heterosexuality and the affirmation of homosociality by further objectifying women (Jensen, 1996, 26).[19]

6. Siring children

In a famous essay, A. R. D. Fairburn argued that the failure to father a child is sufficient reason to presume a man homosexual (Jensen, 1996, 114).[20] Siring children is an extremely limited definition of the normative stage which Erik Erikson called "generativity."

7. Drinking

Alcohol excess and abusive drinking.[21] Drinking serves three purposes: to numb the grief of cut-off and isolation; as a bonding ritual between mates; and as a socially- sanctioned opportunity for men, otherwise inarticulate and non-emotional, to confide in each other.

8. Rugby

Initially a product of the Muscular Christianity movement, it provides an arena for acting out three roles: The Man Alone with his mates, The Family Man (but with wives and girlfriends on the sidelines to cheer, to prepare the food in the clubhouse and stay in the kitchen, and to wash the dirty shorts), and the Warrior (James and Saville-Smith, 1994, 43; Phillips, 1996, 86-87). Novelist John Mason described rugby as "best of all our pleasures...religion, desire, and fulfillment all in one" (Jensen, 1996, 20).[22]

9. Risk

In its original form within the historical construct of masculinity, this took the form of soldiering or going off to war: the Land Wars and both World Wars.[23]
This explains the earlier importance of the RSA, whose entrance credentials were that one took a risk to prove one's manliness and succeeded by surviving. Today risk is still part of the historical construct, but in the absence of war, our young men in their late teens and twenties take risks in the form of speeding on the roads, drink driving, gangs, and the more dangerous forms of conquering nature.

The next three characteristics go together, as an extension of the search for a safe place:

10. Aggression

In Pakeha society, this may be acted out by street fights outside the pub or, combined with Risk, may explain Auckland drivers. Douglas Campbell of Otago University connects aggression with the Pakeha male's abuse of power and desire to impose his will upon others.[24]

11. Guardedness

The emotional inaccessibility of Kiwi males.[25]

12. Siege Mentality

This also translates into siege behaviour at work, and after-work behaviour at home, including that form of violence referred to as "just a domestic.". The siege mentality may also explain the common forms of xenophobia in New Zealand, such as the fear of Asian migration.

13. Male Abuse I - The Complimentary Insult

The traditional Pakeha male expresses intimate feelings only by insulting: "How are you, you great bloody bastard?"[26] Such insults are a negative form of intimacy, expressed through the Jungian shadow, and in a manner calculated to be neither emotionally or verbally literate.

14. Male Abuse II - The Demeaning Insult

The demeaning and shaming of any man who does not live up to the historical construct of masculinity. The common vocabulary includes terms like poofter, pansy, fag, fruitcake, wimp, queen, fairy, etc.

15. Female Abuse

Demale abuse, including physical abuse and emotional abuse. The 1987 Report of the Ministerial Committee of Inquiry into Violence, often referred to as "The Roper Report," suggests that 80% of violent offending in NZ society occurs in the home (NZ Committee of Inquiry, 1987, 95). Abuse of women may be physical: the 1995 Department of Justice study called Hitting Home revealed that 20% of the Pakeha men surveyed admitted that they saw nothing wrong with hitting their wives. This is surely under-reported. Abuse of women may also be emotional, including the objectification of women, and the way men pressure them to conform to the historical construct of Pakeha woman as The Dependent Woman and The Moral Redemptress.

16. Physique and Self-Esteem

The history of concern with body-image is a developing sub-specialty within the social construction of masculinity: how society tells us what men's bodies are supposed to look like.[27] In New Zealand, the most common image is the rugby build: big, powerful and solid, with thighs like tree trunks. And of course, this image includes having a big penis to win the competition with other men, as was apparent in Greg McGee's popular play "Foreskin's Lament" (Jensen, 1996, 29, 66). Body-image also implies related issues of self-esteem: a Pakeha male is not to admire his own body, and certainly is not permitted to admire the body of another man.

17. Work

Work is where we display our masculinity publicly, how tough we are, how good our brains are when they are disconnected from our bodies, how adept we are at suffering in silence. Of course, real work is still defined as manual labor outdoors, alone or with a mate or in the company of men, as incarnated in the cultural icon, Fred Dagg.

18. Shame

Shame is the technique by which our fathers and the "invisible male chorus of all the other guys" (see Pittman, 1990) taught us the importance of being manly. Depression is the condition which men feel when we have failed to measure up to the construct, and becomes another way we objectify women, by convincing them to carry it and feel it for us (see Taffel, 1991). More attention needs to be paid to "double-shame," the crippling cognitive dissonance created by the chorus of men who demand that we be masculine, and then abuse us by using us sexually as though we were women.[28]

19. Alexithymia

Alexithymia is a very fancy word which means "the inability to locate within, to label, and to express certain emotions." It is usually the result of rigid gender role separation, wherein women are defined as emotionally literate.[29]

To be emotionally literate, then, means being effeminate. Emotional illiteracy is one way of playing The Family Man role without being fully present-"I'm all here except for my feelings." Alexithymia connects to the unresolved grief of the historical primal wound, as well as to inarticulateness and anti-intellectualism, and thus to mateship, compulsory heterosexuality, and homophobia.

So we have come full circle, and we realize how each of the component parts reinforces the other. But this in turn makes deconstruction simpler (though probably not easier): dismantling one part automatically weakens all the other parts. In the long run, however, weakening the structure doesn't necessarily release its grip. We may claim that the construct is crumbling around the edges, but freeing ourselves from its dictates still demands a lot of intentional choices.

Belich and Phillips claim that the traditional construct began to fall apart in the 1970s, due to a variety of causes, including the change in liquor laws, the rise of feminism, growing economic prosperity, increased urban migration, the introduction of sports professionalism, society's response to the soldiers returning from Viet Nam, and the availability of more and more television shows and movies from all over the world, bringing new values and new images of masculinity. It might be claimed, then, that beginning in the 1970s, the Pakeha "mythic masculine" was driven out of the middle class and into the working class. But others would claim that it has simply gone underground, even in Auckland. In any case, it is still creating victims, both male and female. This will be the case until a new pantheon of masculinity models are blessed by society.[30]


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