References & Notes

[2] Belich (1996, 371) illustrates the phenomenal rise: "In 1864, Hokitika was nothing. In 1865, it had 246 buildings including 67 hotels. In 1866, it had 102 hotels, as well as dance rooms, gambling rooms, skittle alleys and shooting galleries, plus an opera house seating 1,200. By 1867 it has three theatres, a cricket club, a skating rink and a waxworks with models of the Prince and Princess of Wales, the Pope, the Australian bushranger Ben Hall and the Maori killers of Volkner, so catering for all tastes. Its population may have peaked as high as 7,000, and it was the second port in New Zealand, measured by customs revenue."

[3] Belich (1996, 284) describes British emigration policy as a form of "social excretion of the unwanted." Yet (302) "no one emigrated in order to be worse off."

[4] Belich (1996, 313-387) documents that about 20% of the immigrants were former prisoners, released or escaped, who came from Australian penal colonies.

[5] Though James and Saville-Smith (1994, 25) would disagree with most scholars on how much intermarriage there was, it is certainly true that in the 1860s, there were at least two men to every one woman in the country.

[6] A list of the most common jobs performed by men between 1830 and 1880 reveals how many of them were itinerant, unsettled, or easily uprooted: rabbiters, shearers, herders, diggers, soldiers, sailors, loggers, railway workers, blacksmiths, farriers, wheelwrights, coachbuilders, carters, bullockies, saddlers, stockbreeders, carpenters, joiners, coopers, cabinetmakers, shipwrights, millers, miners, panners, tanners, dairy workers, freezer workers, scourers, fellmongerers, musterers, yeomen, farmers, prospectors, sawyers, ploughmen, reapers, and fencers.

[7] The phrase in this usage is coined by James and Saville-Smith (1994). John Mulgan used the same phrase in 1938 as the title for his only novel, though his book is about the post-First World War struggle with the War, and the government's resettlement program for returning veterans. Perhaps the phrase is so apt because it describes New Zealand masculinity at so many different period.

[8] Many of these men as well as their victims fell into the category which Miles Fairburn (1982) calls "atomism," i.e., isolated units with little sense of community. Belich (1996, 423) numbers these drifters and wanderers at one-third of the population, minimally. The reader should image what would happen if the entire city of greater Auckland were suddenly made homeless and began to roam the country. Fairburn's theories of anomie, radical dislocation, bondlessness, and atomisation, are most fully developed in The Ideal Society and Its Enemies. Fairburn's ideas received a sharp critique in The New Zealand Journal of History, April 1990, 3-21, and the entire October 1991 is given over to critique and Fairburn's vigorous response.

[9] This policy led quickly to women's franchise in 1893: "Women's franchise was pursued not only as an inalienable democratic right consistent with liberal political philosophy; it was also presented as providing women with the legal power to protect their social and economic interests. Moreover, women's alleged moral superiority and conservatism were cited as important reasons for participation in the hitherto corrupt world of male politics" (James and Saville-Smith, 1994, 33).

[10] "Men's pursuit of male mateship grows out of the organization of men's lives around paid labour. For women, the lack of economic resources, restrictions on geographic mobility, and the continual demands on women's time, all of which are associated with living within one's workplace (the home), means that the pursuit of mateship is replaced by the pursuit of a familial ideal. The presentation of home, children, and husband becomes the preoccupation, and self-sacrifice becomes as much ritualized in female culture as mateship is in male" (James and Saville-Smith, 1994, 58-59).

[11] Frank Sargeson used a related title for one of his short stories, "A Man and His Wife"; more recently, Ian Cross has written The Family Man, whose hero feels trapped in domesticity (1993, 10): "Because he couldn't get going on it this morning, he returned the manuscript to its envelope on the floor and picked up the second one in which he kept notes for an article he'd been struggling with lately on the plight of the NZ male as a victim of twentieth-century social idealism-for the most vigorous years of his life confined in a welfare society that gave him little sense of purpose and no real challenge. Practically all his achievements, or at least those that were recognized and applauded, stemmed from a desire to escape the dullness of his life. The poor devil had climbed the highest mountains, run the fastest miles, fought wars all over the world that were none of his business, sailed the seven seas in small boats, played physical sports with ferocity, and apparently would do practically anything to get away from the country; if unable to do that, he disappeared into the bush for days on end or swilled away the dreariness of his life in the pub."

[12] "A challenge to our gendered culture most obviously entails abandoning the restrictive femininity prescribed by our gendered culture. But it also means redefining masculinity by promoting the alternative and subordinated masculinities which are not built on male dominance over women and male exclusivity" (James and Saville-Smith, 1994, 94).

[13] In 1861, Hughes wrote, in his sequel Tom Brown at Oxford, "Sir, you belong to a body whose creed is to fear God, and walk 1000 miles in 1000 hours."

[14] Kingsley was severely beaten as a child by his father, leaving him with a life-long stutter. One cannot help wondering how this shaped his later philosophy of manliness. He also believed that "a man has only to take a cold bath every morning to become morally good, a conviction for which generations of English public schoolboys have had reason to curse him" (Chitty, 1974, 221). Apparently his own obsessive washing of both body and clothes was connected to an exaggerated aversion to sex.

[15] Interestingly, Belich (1996, 436) roots this type of literature in the turn-of-the-century female writer G. B. Lancaster (Edith Lyttleton).

[16] Belich (1996, 429) believes that the term "mate" arrived with the sailors; between 1840 and 1880, a half-million sailors landed in New Zealand.

[17] Yet on the sexual tension between mates, see Sargeson's story "A Great Day," 80.

[18] See Owen Marshall on "the takahe men": "One never began a conversation, and in reply he spoke slowly, almost as if he were watching one word out of sight before releasing the next...Old Man Trumpeter advanced on to language as he would an untried bridge-with caution and reserve."

[19] Felix Donelly, attacking popular masculinity in the late 1970s, identified 'being a sexual conqueror' as the most attribute of the New Zealand male. Nearly half of NZ men claim to have more than five sexual partners during their lifetime ("Sex in New Zealand," 48).

[20] A. R. D. Fairburn's essay "The Woman Problem" sounds very much like the way that Robert Bly shames contemporary men by calling them "soft," and obviously to be masculine, one needs to be hard; see Bly (1990, 3-4) and Faludi (1991, 312).

[21] Belich (1996, 424) points out that in the 1870s, drunkenness convictions in New Zealand numbered three times higher than in Britain. The whole culture still has an unusually high rate of alcohol consumption compared to most Western countries.

[22] This is well illustrated in the recent Australian documentary, "Boys and Balls". Among others, the film quotes George Orwell: "Rugby is war minus the shooting."

[23] Jensen (1996, 23) quoting Dan Davin: "No question what the war was about. There was a war and if you were a man you did your damnedest to get into it."

[24] Both Fairburn and Belich characterize the 1830s-1880s as a period of "bingeing, hitting, and suing"; see Belich (1996, 424, 435, 450).

[25] "Being 'staunch' is the dominant masculine ideal at both the all-male and the co-ed colleges studied and to be 'staunch' boys must display sexual and social domination of women" (Rout, 1992, 17).

[26] Jensen (1996, 37) again quoting Dan Davin: "On the whole I have preferred to suggest emotion briefly, casually almost, and even inarticulately. This seemed to correspond to the way men actually expressed their feelings in their dealings with one another-a flippancy sometimes masking as well as expressing a deep concern or solicitude, a piece of apparent abuse intended in fact as a way of expressing affection and recognized as such."

[27] Recent books on the subject include Dutton (1995), Krondorfer (1996), and Feher (1989).

[28] The usually quoted statistic in white Western cultures is that 3 out of every 10 males are sexually abused, usually by another male, before the age of 18; in New Zealand the statistic is appears to be 4 out of 10. And see Sargeson's story "I've Lost My Pal" (42).

[29] For a contrast with Maori masculine emotional structures, see Henare (1988, 6).

[30] According to James and Saville-Smith (1994, 95), the two major areas in need of immediate reorganization, if we are to undermine this over-gendered culture, are the running of the household and the care of others.

[31] In the same chapter (1985, 310), Bowen rejects the title "therapist," preferring instead to be called a "teacher."

[32] Material on these two subjects proliferates. On men and their mothers, see for examples Gurian (1994) and McMahon (1996). On men and their fathers, see for example Corneau (1991), Mitscherlich (1969), and Osherson (1986).

[33] On structuring both men's consciousness-raising and psychotherapy groups, see Culbertson (1992, 144-52); McLeod and Pemberton (1987, 86-91); Rabinowitz and Cochran (1987), and Stein (1982). See also Tiger (1969).

[34] To a degree, this backlash is due to the fragility of the masculine identity. Kupers (1993, 164) points out how the boundaries defining traditional masculinity parallel the boundaries which distinguish pathology from mental health.

[35] Brooks' term probably originates in Pleck as "sex-role strain paradigm."

[36] The same survey listed the following as the most common problems that male clients in the MG network exhibit: Inability to see things from any perspective except his own, expectations about what a woman should be, look like, and do, head-heart disconnection, poor communication skills, controlling, unwilling to connect action and decision with re-action and consequences, fear of feelings, lack of insight, very low self-esteem masked by bravado, alcohol abuse to cover pain, grief over separation but unable to understand what is wanted of him, inability to be angry in a healthy way, stuck in inherited stereotypes.

[37] The problem of establishing a therapeutic alliance with a traditional male client was already noticed as early as Freud. In his essay "Analysis Terminable and Interminable" (1963, 252), Freud wrote of men's difficulty in cooperating with the therapy process: "At no other point in one's analytic work does one suffer more from an oppressive feeling that all one's repeated efforts have been in vain, and from a suspicion that one has been 'preaching to the winds,' than when one is trying to persuade a woman to abandon her wish for a penis on the ground of its being unrealizable or when one is seeking to convince a man that a passive attitude to men does not always signify castration and that it is indispensable in many relationships in life. The rebellious overcompensation of the male produces one of the strongest transference-resistances. He refuses to subject himself to a father-substitute or to feel indebted to him for anything, and consequently he refuses to accept his recovery from the doctor."

[38]